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In the Hands of the Taliban - n/a5 - 01-05-2005


In the Hands of the Taliban
An interview with Yvonne Ridley
Tazin Abdullah

Yvonne Ridley made headlines when, following the September 11th attacks, she was captured by the Taliban in Afghanistan. While investigating for a story, the British freelance journalist had wandered into the hands of, what much of the world called the most brutal regime on earth. Freed after ten days of captivity, she returned home a public figure.

Almost two years after that, the multiple award-winning journalist and author again made news. On June 30, 2003, Yvonne accepted the faith of her captors -- she became a Muslim.

In the following interview, she speaks of her experiences and her thoughts on the state of Western journalism.

Tazin Abdullah (TA) What took you to Afghanistan after September 11th?

Yvonne Ridley (YR) I was working as the chief reporter for the Sunday Express newspaper published in London. I was writing a humanitarian report about the hopes and fears of the Afghan people. I had been in Afghanistan for two days when I was captured by the Taliban and held because I had entered the country illegally and without a visa.

TA What happened afterwards?

YR At first they thought I was a spy and interrogated me for six days before moving me to a prison in Kabul. Mullah Omar, the spiritual leader of the Taliban, released me on humanitarian grounds on October 8 2001.
The release came as a huge shock to the West as the US and Britain had launched the war on Afghanistan the day before. When the bombs began dropping in Kabul, no one thought they would see me alive again!

TA You have repeatedly emphasised that the Taliban, the "most brutal regime on earth", treated you with "courtesy and respect". Tell me about your captors.

YR I expected to be executed and each day I thought was going to be my last. It was a terrifying ordeal. Yet, throughout my captivity, the Taliban treated me with courtesy and respect.

I went on hunger strike for the full 10 days. Apart from this action being the only type of control I could enforce, I told the Taliban I would not eat until they gave me a telephone to call home. This action caused my captors great distress and over the first few days they tried several different inducements to encourage me to eat including the offer of wine with my food.

Despite this I maintained my hunger strike and in spite of my best efforts, they laid a cloth on the floor morning, noon and night offering freshly cooked food. Each mealtime, they made a point of washing my hands and telling me I was their sister and their guest. Never once did they threaten me physically. In spite of this, I resolved to be a difficult captive and acted in a very aggressive, non-co-operative manner!

TA Upon your return, what was the general reaction?

YR Headline writers across the Western world, anticipating what I was going to say, had words like 'torture', 'abuse' and 'rape' prepared. Journalists and politicians were shocked by my remarks. Everyone wanted a victim. They wanted to hear tales of torture, beatings and brutality. After all, you can't drop bombs on nice people and Bush and Blair had done quite a job demonising the Taliban beyond recognition.

I have to say at this point, I could not endorse what the Taliban stood for, nor could I sanitise their movement, but I have to speak the truth about their treatment of me.
TA Did your experiences with the Taliban lead you to question your own perceptions on the Taliban themselves and by extension, Islam?

YR I certainly began to examine the demonisation of the Taliban.

I had given an undertaking to a Taliban cleric that if they released me I would read the Qur'an and study Islam. At that point, I would have said anything to get out of jail! But once I was released, against all odds, I decided to keep my word.

I was engaged covering events in the Middle East so it was only natural that I should read up on Islam.

TA What attracted you to the faith?

YR I found the words of the Qur'an breathtaking and as relevant today as they were the day they were written. Furthermore, the word has not changed at all. I learnt that the Qur'an makes it clear that woman are equal in spirituality, worth and education.

TA Turning now to Western media and particularly its coverage of the Muslim world -- do you see a general bias against Islam?

YR There is a Western media bias against Islam but much of it stems from lack of knowledge and general ignorance towards Islam by Western journalists.

TA Is it a deliberate attempt by reporters to write/broadcast stories that toe the official line or the gullibility of some reporters? Or is it simply reporters acting out on culturally inherited values/perceptions and seeing what they want to see rather than what is happening?

YR Some journalists are gutless, lily-livered, spineless individuals who prefer to be spoon-fed by the governments who like a tame news source. Some journalists are gullible and some are simply ignorant of the power of the propaganda they are asked to repeat. I wouldn't single out the embedded journalists most were making the best of the situation in which they were placed.

In the US after 9/11, anyone who dared question the Bush administration was called unpatriotic. There are some good journalists around and, after a recent trip to America, it appears the American media is now waking up to its duties.

TA From your experiences in Afghanistan, can you give us examples of reports from Afghanistan that painted a picture of the situation contrary to what was really happening?

YR The so-called liberation of Kabul revealed a shocking aspect of media lies and manipulation giving a false image to the West.

Women were pictured burning their burqas while men shaved their beards what the cameras failed to show were the offers of money given to these people by the dollar rich western media which wanted to give 'happy' pictures to the people back home.

Enterprising Afghanis were not slow on the uptake and lots of false documents began emerging outlining Al-Qaida's nuclear secrets. One foolish journalist parted with 500 dollars for Osama bin Laden's nuclear plans … they turned out to be the contents of a physics student's text book!

TA In the current occupation of Iraq, do you see most of the media still toeing the official line?

YR The media is slowly beginning to break ranks and report on the Vietnam-style quagmire that has emerged in Iraq. For example, the dangerous talk of a civil war.

Where has this come from? Paul Bremer, of course. It is in US interests to promote this but the reality is there has never been a civil war in Iraq no conflict of Shi'a against Sunni. Yet the media are falling into the trap of picking up the American whispers and are printing reports using the explosive phrase 'civil war'. If they don't stop it could became a self-fulfilling prophecy.

Journalism is a powerful tool and can be a weapon of mass deception in the wrong hands. This has not been lost on various leaders including Saddam Hussein and George W Bush, who both were determined to win the battle over the war of words. In many ways, it is as important as the military campaign.

Yvonne Ridley lives in Central London and is the author of two books "In the Hands Of the Taliban" (Robson Books), a factual account of her experiences and "Ticket To Paradise", a fictional thriller with the real backdrop of 9/11 (Dandelion Books).


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- n/a5 - 01-05-2005

Genesis of Taliban

For a better understanding of Taliban, it is essential to explain their background, as to who they are, what is their origin and how did they emerge on the political scene of Afghanistan? Taliban simply means those who seek knowledge. In other words, they are students. The current Taliban phenomenon has its roots in the history of Khurasan, which was a province of Caliphate of Baghdad which included the territories of Afghanistan. Taliban had existed as a factor in Afghan history for the past several centuries. Maulleaan-o-Taliban - religious teachers and students - is a common title generally used while addressing this community. They enjoy a very high status in the country. They have often asserted themselves in the past in periods of crisis, invasions and social upheavals. No wonder, they were in the fore front to oppose the Soviets, under the command of their senior teachers. They are a product of the Madrassa system, which is intrinsic to Afghanistan’s ideological orientation, social and educational systems.



The Madrassas were set up in Khurasan after the advent of Islam in the 9th century AD, as religious seminaries and also served as seats of learning, very much on the pattern of modern universities. They produced scholars of great eminence - poets, philosophers, mathematicians, hakeems (physicians) and warriors. Great poets and scholars, such as Roomi, Firdausi, Jami, Ibne Sina, Imam Bukhari, Tirmizi and many others, happened to be the graduates of the Madrassas. Great military leaders such as Shahabuddin Ghauri, Mahmud Ghaznavi, Ahmad Shah Abdali, and also the saints like Ali Hajveri (Data Ganj Bakhsh), Khawaja Moinuddin Chishti and so many others of their like, came from these very institutions.



The Madrassa thus provided a comprehensive blend of religious and worldly education, what could best be described as Da’wah and Jihad --- the call to knowledge and invocation of struggle against injustice and tyranny. Interestingly, many of the Ahadith books of Fiqh, Hanafia-al-Sahih al-Sitta were written in the Madrassas of Khurasan, by the great scholars such as Imam Bukhari, Abu Dawood, Imam Ibn-e-Maja, Imam Muslim and Imam Tirmizi. Not only were the Madrassas the source of learning and scholarly inquiry but also served as military academies without weapons training. They helped internalize among the youth a sense of God-awareness and the ideological imperatives of a believer. No wonder, therefore, Afghanistan remained glued to the Madrassa system as the bastion of Islamic thought and reservoir of ready manpower to launch Jehad, when it became absolutely necessary to fight against forces of evil and injustices within the country or imposed from outside, by the invaders.



In the past Taliban constituted the Jihadis, who came forward to fight under the banner of Mahmud Ghauri, Ghaznavi, Ahmad Shah Abdali and in more recent history, they played a leading part in the Roshani Movement (1525-75), defeating the Safvi Empire under Shah Mahmood (1710-15). It were the same “Mullahs” and the Taliban who led uprising against the British Indian Army incursions into Afghanistan and forced them to retreat. Mullah Shor Bazar earned great fame as the leading Taliban leader against the British and the Afghan King - Amanullah Khan. During the recent struggle against the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, it were the Taliban under their senior leaders, who stood resolutely to cause a humiliating defeat on the invaders. Taliban, as part of Jawanan-e-Musliman Movement, remained active during the rule of Sardar Muhammad Dawood.



With the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan, the Madrassas were uprooted and most of the Mullahs and young students migrated to Pakistan and established themselves in the madrassas in Pakistan. When it was realized that the Soviets could not be dislodged from Afghan, it was decided to establish a chain of madrassas along the Afghan-Pakistan border, ‘as an ideological barrier’, with Saudi money and with full support of USA and Pakistan. These madrassas therefore served as nurseries for Jehad. Labelling them product of JUI and ISI etc. is not justified. In fact Maulana Fazalur Rehman’s JUI never supported Jehad against the Soviets.



Lately, under the Mujahideen leaders in their struggle against the Soviet occupation, Taliban remained committed to their party leaders who in many cases were also their teachers, such as Professors Rabbani, Sayyaf, Mujaddadi, Khalili, Maulvi Khalis and Nabi Muhammadi, Hikmatyar from Kabul University and Masood, from Polytechnic Institute. During the jihad, the Taliban provided the bulk of foot soldiery to the mujahideen organizations but remained loosely tied to their own tribal identities. They followed their party leaders with a sense of purpose. As long as that purpose was served they remained steadfast and loyal to their leadership. However, after the Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan in 1989, Taliban went back to their Madrassas to continue their studies. With the return of the refugees, most of the Madrassas inside Afghanistan got revived, while those established inside Pakistan, continued with their academic activities, as before.



After the fall of the Communist regime in Afghanistan in 1992, the Taliban remained silent spectators during the post-jihad period of infighting between the Mujahideen leaders. Southern Afghanistan was the worst affected area where numerous power groups emerged, bringing life to a miserable low level due to gun running, kidnapping for ransom, transit taxes, drug trafficking, immorality and debauchery. Political parties already involved in power struggle added fuel to the situation by aiding their affiliated groups. Seeing the ineffectiveness of the political parties, Taliban emerged and picked up arms to redeem the situation. Rising from Kandahar in August 1994 under Mullah Muhammad Umar, ahead of local Madrassa at Mainwand, with only 45 men, received immense support from the local population and like minded Jehadi Commanders who facilitated their control over the province of Kandahar bv December 1994. gradually the Taliban Movement expanded its hold. Rabbani’s government at Kabul initially extended help to the Taliban in a bid to defeat Engr. Hakmatyar’s Hizb. Exploiting the element of disunity of the Jehadies, Taliban moved with lightening speed and defeated Hikmatyar’s Hizb, the only party which resisted the Movement at the initial stages. President rebbani however withdraw his support when Taliban asked him to step down.



The kind of response Taliban received during the years 1994-95 from the people of Afghanistan and the lower ranking fighters and commanders of the opposition parties, was phenomenal and was a surprise to Taliban themselves and urged them to move beyond. Their success markedly reflected in the willing acceptance of the opposing forces to surrender to them, along with their arms and ammunition. The only places where they faced resistances were those held by Masood and Dostum. One by one Taliban continued to defeat the opposition and by mid 2001 succeeded in gaining control over most of Afghanistan. One must therefore, understand that the Taliban movement was a reaction from within the corrupted social environment, creating a situation for removed from the goals of Jehad struggle.



Taliban, because of the long disturbed period of struggle against the Soviets, could not receive the desired formal education. Since 1979, they had no peace and no real education. They can thus be addressed as ‘Children of Jehad’. Most of their senior teachers who actively fought against the Soviets subsequently were discarded by the Taliban. Taliban Movement, therefore, can be termed as purely an indigenous force of Afghanistan’s own, which remained united and was able to achieve such sweeping victories in a short period of six years..



After the regime change in Afghanistan, in 2002, the Taliban have melted into the Pakhtun population mainly. Gradually and slowly they are getting organized to challenge the Coalition Forces. They symbolize the spirit of defiance of the Afghans, which no occupation force has ever been able to subdue and suppress. However, what has happened in the past one year, is ominous and is going to change the social and political structure of Afghanistan. Autonomous regions under the respective ethnic warlords have emerged, fattened by massive support by the neighbouring countries and beyond. Supply of weapons, war material and financing through narcotic trade and smuggling, has helped the warlords, entrench themselves, while Hamid Karzais’ government hardly maintains control beyond the outer perimeter of Kabul.



The Afghan Pakhtun belt, gradually is merging into the Pakistani Pakhtun belt as one region of conflict and serves as the main support base for the remnants of Taliban. Afghan Pakhtuns at present do not have a common leader, but a leader is likely to emerge as the struggle intensifies. Pakhtuns constitute the majority in Afghanistan and therefore must get their due share accordingly for any peaceful political settlement in the future.



Taliban, therefore are by no means an implanted entity, nor one can claim the responsibility of its creation. It has played its traditional role in a period of despair and chaos that prevailed in Afghanistan. It fortifies the ideological base of the Afghans as well as their national ethos flowing from the Madrassas spread all over the country.



Designing any political arrangement by excluding Taliban who mainly represent Pakhtun population, would indeed be a futile effort. If peace is the noble objective to attain, it can only be through determining the ethnic demographic composition of Afghanistan through a census conducted under the supervision of nonpartisan international agency. Only a judicious share of the Pakhtuns can bring real peace and also have a salutary effect on the entire region. It will also be in consonance with the supreme values of democracy, that the majority’s will is respected, and is not hijacked by the minorities who only serve vested interests of foreign groups.



Franklin Roosevelt rightly counseled “More than an end to war, we want an end to the beginnings of all war”. We must pause to think why Taliban acted the way they did.


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